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Add two-child limit post
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_[See the full, customisable impacts on PolicyEngine | ||
here.](https://policyengine.org/uk/policy?focus=policyOutput.netIncome&reform=18304®ion=uk&timePeriod=2023&baseline=1)_ | ||
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## Summary | ||
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Introduced in 2017, the two-child limit in Universal Credit restricted | ||
parents from receiving financial support for more than two children | ||
(with children born before 2017 exempt). Using the PolicyEngine | ||
microsimulation model, we estimate that [repealing it would cost £1.8 | ||
billion in | ||
2023](https://policyengine.org/uk/policy?focus=policyOutput.netIncome&reform=18304®ion=uk&timePeriod=2023&baseline=1), | ||
rising to £2.8 billion in 2025 as non-exempt age cohorts replace exempt | ||
children. The repeal would also lower absolute child poverty before | ||
housing costs by 310,000 this year. | ||
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While the Cameron-led Conservative government introduced the two-child | ||
limit, last month, Labour Party leader Sir Keir Starmer [confirmed that | ||
a Labour government would keep the | ||
policy](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/jul/16/labour-keep-two-child-benefit-cap-says-keir-starmer) | ||
due to the cost of repealing it. | ||
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In this analysis, we examine how the policy currently affects | ||
households, and use PolicyEngine to estimate the distributional and | ||
poverty impacts of both full and partial repeals proposed by the Child | ||
Poverty Action Group and the Fabian Society. We also attempt to | ||
reproduce claims made using other microsimulation models. The | ||
[open-source code powering the custom analyses in this report can be | ||
found | ||
here](https://gist.github.com/nikhilwoodruff/447d86032ff481bdeb1e35aeeb3ea18c). | ||
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[**_See how repealing the two-child limit would affect your household | ||
here._**](https://policyengine.org/uk/household?focus=intro&reform=7226®ion=uk&timePeriod=2023&baseline=1) | ||
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# How the policy affects households | ||
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Households claiming Universal Credit, or the legacy Child Tax Credit, | ||
currently do not receive additional benefits for their third or | ||
subsequent children. With benefit levels recently uprated as of April | ||
2023, the two-child limit reduces benefits by up to £2,935 per child | ||
(lowered with increased parental earnings as the family reduces their | ||
Universal Credit entitlement). The cap applies regardless of whether a | ||
household is in or out of work, but its impact changes with earnings due | ||
to the normal Universal Credit taper. | ||
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Figure 1 shows the impact of removing the two-child limit under a range | ||
of employment incomes for a single parent family. The gains are highest | ||
(and equal) for families under around £30,000 in employment income, | ||
after which point the taper rate begins to reclaim the extra benefit | ||
value. For a single parent with 5 children, this value will not be | ||
reduced to zero before more than £60,000 in earnings. | ||
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![A graph with numbers and lines Description automatically | ||
generated](/images/posts/repealing_the_two_child_limit/hh_impact.png) | ||
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_Figure 1: the impact of removing the UC child limit on net income for a | ||
single parent by number of children and employment income. Note: this | ||
does not incorporate housing costs, which would extend the phase-out | ||
region to the right._ | ||
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## Repealing the cap | ||
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The most straightforward way to repeal the cap is to remove it entirely, | ||
at a cost of £1.8bn in 2023. [^1] This net cost rises over time due to | ||
age cohort transitions: with each year, the minimum age required to be | ||
exempt under the 2017 transitional protection rule increases.[^2] | ||
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Under a full abolition, we estimate that the number of children in | ||
absolute poverty before housing costs would fall by 255,000 in 2023 | ||
(relative, after housing costs child poverty would fall by 162,000). The | ||
overall absolute, before housing costs poverty rate for all individuals | ||
would fall by 0.7 percentage points, bringing just under 450,000 people | ||
out of absolute poverty. | ||
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Table 1 shows a range of other estimates made by the Child Poverty | ||
Action Group using the UKMOD microsimulation model, and PolicyEngine's | ||
replications for comparison. The appendix contains more details about | ||
the reasons PolicyEngine's microsimulation modelling differs from other | ||
estimates. | ||
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| Estimate | CPAG/UKMOD | PolicyEngine | Difference | Relative | | ||
| ------------------------------------------------------------- | ---------- | ------------ | ---------- | -------- | | ||
| Net cost | £1.3bn | £1.8bn | +£500m | +38% | | ||
| Child poverty reduction (relative, AHC) | 250,000 | 162,000 | -88,000 | -35% | | ||
| Children in affected households | 1,500,000 | 1,780,000 | +280,000 | +19% | | ||
| Children benefitting but remaining in poverty (relative, AHC) | 850,000 | 1,320,000 | +470,000 | +55% | | ||
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_Table 1: comparisons between CPAG's UKMOD-based modelling results and | ||
PolicyEngine's replications_ _for 2023._ | ||
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## Alternative repeal methods | ||
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The Fabian Society's 2021 report _"Going with the grain"_ proposes | ||
instead repealing the two-child limit for families with a parent who | ||
meets one of the following conditions: | ||
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- Having employment or self-employment income | ||
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- Receiving disability benefits | ||
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- Having a child aged two or under | ||
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We estimate this partial abolition would cost £1.3 billion in 2023, | ||
saving £500m compared to the full repeal. The Fabian Society modelling, | ||
based on the IPPR tax-transfer model, projected that the number of | ||
households hit by the two-child limit would fall by 94% from 790,000 to | ||
75,000. This projection assumes a full roll-out of the policy as it | ||
would be in 2035, where the transitional protection rule does not occur. | ||
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PolicyEngine estimates in 2023 that 333,000 households are affected by | ||
the two-child limit (close to [estimates by the House of Commons Library | ||
in April 2021 that 317,500 families were | ||
affected](https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-9301/)), | ||
and that this would fall by 302,000 to 31,000 (a reduction of 93%, close | ||
to the Fabian Society estimate). | ||
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## Conclusion | ||
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PolicyEngine's modelling largely aligns with the findings from other | ||
microsimulation models but finds around 30% lower net costs and poverty | ||
impacts than CPAG. | ||
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Funding proposals also feature in the discussion around the two-child | ||
limit. Tom Clark, fellow at the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, [pointed to | ||
a 1p increase in the higher rate of income tax as a possible | ||
option](https://twitter.com/prospect_clark/status/1680875250542575618?s=20). | ||
Given our higher net cost estimate for the two-child limit repeal, we | ||
estimate this would leave £470m deficit (distributional impacts shown in | ||
Figure 2). | ||
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![A graph of a graph showing the amount of income decile Description | ||
automatically generated](/images/posts/repealing_the_two_child_limit/decile_chart.png) | ||
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_Figure 2: [the distributional impacts of funding the two-child limit | ||
repeal with a 1p higher rate | ||
increase.](https://policyengine.org/uk/policy?focus=policyOutput.decileRelativeImpact&reform=18067®ion=uk&timePeriod=2023&baseline=1)_ | ||
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PolicyEngine's microsimulation modelling is completely open-source. [See | ||
the full analysis for the repeal on PolicyEngine | ||
here.](https://policyengine.org/uk/policy?focus=policyOutput.decileRelativeImpact&reform=7226®ion=uk&timePeriod=2023&baseline=1) | ||
If you have feedback or questions on the results in this report, please | ||
do [get in touch](mailto:hello@policyengine.org). | ||
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## Appendix: reconciling administrative and survey data | ||
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When first estimating the impacts of this reform, we used our Family Resources Survey-based | ||
microdata and reached impacts of lower magnitude. However, | ||
administrative statistics suggested that the true impacts may in fact be | ||
larger, so we extended our data enhancement process to repair the | ||
specific biases remaining present in the FRS under the guidance of the | ||
administrative statistics. | ||
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Microsimulation models based on survey microdata often reach estimates | ||
differing from administrative data, due to sampling or measurement bias | ||
in the data collection process. PolicyEngine applies a calibration | ||
process to adjust for this as much as possible by both imputing missing | ||
income data and reweighting households to repair consistency with | ||
administrative totals. | ||
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To illustrate, take the following example (based on completely | ||
hypothetical characteristics). | ||
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| Household | Total income | Original weight | Calibrated weight | | ||
| --------------- | ------------ | --------------- | ----------------- | | ||
| High-earner | £80,000 | 2m | 5m | | ||
| Low-earner | £25,000 | 25m | 22m | | ||
| Original survey | £785bn | 27m | 27m | | ||
| total | | | | | ||
| Administrative | £950bn | 27m | | | ||
| total | | | | | ||
| Calibrated | £950bn | 27m | | | ||
| survey total | | | | | ||
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By adjusting survey weights, we can shift the distributions of survey | ||
variables to reconcile them with more trusted administrative data. This | ||
requires collecting as many administrative statistics as possible, and | ||
calibrating as closely as possible to them all, together. In the example | ||
above, it was possible to match exactly, but this often isn't possible | ||
in practice because we are operating on a survey, and not a census. | ||
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A key learning point in this report was the government's [administrative | ||
statistics on households affected by the two-child | ||
limit](https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/universal-credit-and-child-tax-credit-claimants-statistics-related-to-the-policy-to-provide-support-for-a-maximum-of-2-children-april-2023/universal-credit-and-child-tax-credit-claimants-statistics-related-to-the-policy-to-provide-support-for-a-maximum-of-two-children-april-2023). | ||
Using benefit administrative databases, the Department for Work and | ||
Pensions estimated that in April 2023 around 1.5 million children lived | ||
in households meeting two conditions: | ||
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- The household claims Universal Credit or the Child Tax Credit. | ||
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- The household does not receive a child element for at least one | ||
child. | ||
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Our initial model estimate was lower than this (around £1.3m children), | ||
largely due to biases in the Family Resources Survey not fully countered | ||
by our data enhancement process (although we included child counts and | ||
Universal Credit caseloads in our calibration function, we did not | ||
include this specific intersection). | ||
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To correct this underestimate, we recalibrated the survey microdata, | ||
applying an extra penalty to the algorithm for deviating from: | ||
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- The number of households affected by the UC and CTC two-child | ||
limits, respectively. | ||
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- The number of children living in UC- and CTC-claiming households | ||
with 3, 4, and 5-plus children, respectively. | ||
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Figure 3 shows how this process operates for the first of these | ||
parameters. Note that PolicyEngine still carries out this process for | ||
the other 2,000+ statistics we target, ensuring that the model weights | ||
do not over-calibrate towards this new set of statistical targets. | ||
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![A graph of a graph Description automatically | ||
generated](/images/posts/repealing_the_two_child_limit/calibration.png) | ||
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_Figure 3: An example of PolicyEngine's calibration process, in which | ||
survey weights are adjusted to shift the FRS projection of UC-claiming, | ||
child limit-affected households towards the administrative estimate._ | ||
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PolicyEngine now reproduces this 1.5m statistic. However, what we | ||
subsequently found suggests that the 1.5m figure is an underestimate of | ||
the true number of children affected by the reform. Because the | ||
administrative data does not include households brought into eligibility | ||
by reforms, it cannot include households who are not currently eligible | ||
for Universal Credit but would be under an abolition of the two-child | ||
limit.[^3] These households are represented by points on the diagonal | ||
slope in Figure 1. | ||
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We estimate 200,000 children fall into this category, bringing the | ||
number of children living in households affected by the two-child limit | ||
to 1.7 million. | ||
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[^1]: | ||
Our cost estimate of £1.8bn is 38% higher than the widely-reported | ||
£1.3bn [estimate by the Child Poverty Action | ||
Group](https://cpag.org.uk/sites/default/files/files/policypost/CPAG_Budget_Submission_March_2023.pdf), | ||
drawn from the UKMOD microsimulation model. PolicyEngine [applies | ||
machine learning-based algorithms to survey | ||
microdata](https://policyengine.org/uk/blog/how-machine-learning-tools-make-policyengine-more-accurate) | ||
to counter measurement and sampling bias present in the input data, | ||
which could explain some of the disparity. | ||
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[^2]: | ||
For example, in 2019 only children aged below two could be | ||
affected. This age of exemption increases until 2035, at which point | ||
no children can be exempt under the transitional protection rule. | ||
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[^3]: | ||
Administrative data might in practice include a small number of | ||
these households, because households whose income fluctuations mean | ||
they move along the edge of entitlement might stay on administrative | ||
databases. |